Back to Basics: A Commoner’s ‘Analysis’ of the Food ‘Crisis’

In this first decade of the 21st century, the pursuit of an amoral neo-liberal economic logic, a trading system that protects the interests of the strong, and corporate greed have now conspired to deposit humanity at the confluence of three mighty challenges: rising fuel costs, climate change, and intensifying global hunger. Needless to say, their impact remains most devastating among the world’s poorest whose plight has no time to make sense of the high sounding scholarly and technical terminology currently employed in the debate. While in richer societies economic hardships may propel people towards changing eating habits, the rural poor in the global South have no luxuries that can be cut off to redirect household funds towards food. To these people, a doubling of food prices literally means starvation. There are even no job opportunities, let alone working extra jobs to prop up household incomes. This is why the hunger debate is both interesting and annoying.

Interesting and annoying debate on 'Crisis'
Mainly interesting is the energy spent on ‘discovering’ just what may have caused this ‘crisis.’ That we should talk hunger when the agribusiness community and seed companies are recording astronomical profits only compares to the paradox of five oil companies (Exxon Mobil Corp., BP America Inc., Shell Oil Co., Chevron Corp. ConocoPhillip) making between them $123 billion in 2007 profits right in the midst of an oil and economic crisis. It is a pity that in a world so endowed, the basic tenets of fairness and (re)distributive justice have proven so elusive to wo/mankind. This is why on the other hand, the debate is also annoying because at a closer look this unfolding food crisis isn’t really a crisis after all. That a disaster that has been so long in the making should seem to surprise the world borders on the ridiculous. I may be wrong, but if we envisage a ‘crisis’ as an emergency, and therefore that which we could not have foreseen, or depth and breadth of whose impact we couldn’t have possibly estimated then the term ‘crisis’ in reference to present global hunger is a misnomer. Expert opinion on the ‘actual’ causes range from the impact of bio-fuels, (over)consumption in emerging economies like India and China, the rising cost of fuel, hoarding of staples like rice by leading producers, as well as outdated farming techniques. Biotech companies also see in the argument for better technologies an opportunity to increase their already astronomical profits by pushing for GMOs as an inevitable panacea. While each may have a grain of truth, they also speak more to the socio-economic and political spaces occupied by their originators.

Man-made hunger
But for those to whom hunger and deprivation has become a daily lived experience, the forces operating at the global and local levels can be narrowed down to a simple duality; the inability to produce for the household table and the inability to realize the generous promises of export production. At the local level, it is impossible, even criminal to look at the food crisis without mention of the continuing legacy of the Bretton Woods Institutions for instance in Africa. The largely unrewarding interventions of the IMF and World Bank in African economies, the attendant economic authoritarianism that spread a particularly pernicious brand of globalization christened neo-liberalism, and the resultant social sabotage of the prospects of real transformation in these societies has received wide coverage by scholar-practitioners of social justice. For so long, the IMF and World Bank policies have criminalized government support programs to farmers in the global South at a time when farmers in rich northern nations continue to produce with huge government subsidies as the WTO looks the other way. Withdrawal of extension services, privatization or dissolution of – for instance – national cereals and produce boards denied farmers a stable market just as it de-established strategic national food reserves, a cornerstone of food sovereignty. Thanks to policy guidelines from the IMF, World Bank and related guardians of ‘free trade,’ farmers in the global South have had to choose between either watching their harvests rot and go to waste, or trade their harvests at a loss through the vicious networks of exploitative middlemen. Subsidy-related price distortions at the global market place and import liberalization virus have ensured an influx of cheap imports, further displacing local producers in the domestic market. The impact has been devastating because of conditions that denies these governments policy space to effect target interventions to protect strategic national food reserves.

Double dependency and the logic of exporting more to earn less
When you see Mexicans – the homeland of corn – protesting the high prices of corn imports from the US, the irony is not funny. While in the pre-structural adjustment era these countries were dependent on primary commodity exports, the systematic destruction of domestic economy has turned erstwhile food producers into net food importers because the orientation towards exports has come at the expense of domestic food production, and a dual dependency where countries are dependent both on food imports, as well as underperforming often unreliable export markets. Prior to the 1980s, at least the dependency was on primary commodity exports as many countries were self-sufficient in food production. When in 2008 your coffee earns half as much as it earned in the late 1970s while imports cost twice as much as they did then, trade fails to make sense as an engine for social transformation. Despite these scenarios, the systematic reorientation of agriculture towards the exportable (cash) crops has continued unabated with donors more willing to prop up poor nations’ budget deficits as long as they maintain policies that open their vulnerable economies to the predatory exigencies of western capital. It is in this context that the ‘Aid for Trade’ model that came out of the Hong Kong WTO Round falls short, proceeding from the notion that what ails Africa’s trade competitiveness is the lack of qualified trade experts (hence capacity building), or higher import tariffs that impede ‘free’ trade. Consequently, the Integrated Framework pours resources into ‘strengthening’ poor countries’ capacity to trade in a global trade environment that is fundamentally flawed.

IMF - Its ok, just take more loans
Through its Trade Integrated Mechanism (TIM) for instance, the IMF is more willing to give technical and financial support (read more loans) for countries to counter their balance of payment deficits from unfair trade than in developing nations’ struggle for a fair trading regime. Because of its proven supplementary role to IMF and World Bank’s destructive agenda in the global South, the WTO remains a critical site of struggle, and it is in this context that 8year contestations of the Doha ‘Development’ Round since 2001 must be seen as a continuing search for a democratic, fair and just WTO more positively responsive to the needs and aspirations of the world’s poorest citizens. this spirit of resistance may have been birthed in 2001 in Doha, but it would find its ultimate fulfillment in Cancun, Mexico in 2003 when - due to irreconcilable differences on the issue of agricultural subsidies - ministers from the developing nations walked out of the talks as a final symbolic act of frustration with an international system hell-bent on perpetuating historical economic apartheid. As experts discuss the ‘crisis,’ we must remember the good and the bad news. The good is that we don’t need nuclear science for a diagnosis. The bad news is in the fact that some of those involved in the debate are part of the problem, seek to benefit from the problem, or seek to suppress the pursuit of lasting solution. Even as ‘Operation Rescue Doha’ collapsed again in Geneva at the end of July, may we always remember the hungry in all fora, and steadfastly argue for trade relationships based on democratically-formulated, just and fair rules that (re)affirm the sovereign rights of governments to pursue policies consistent with the frontiers of domestic socio-economic and political realities, prioritizing fight against rising global poverty to put tangible social transformation within reach of the world most deprived. For that was the original promise of globalization then.

Leave the devil alone: Govt. & Parents to blame for the mayhem in our schools

It is a pathetic but common human weakness to blame the devil for all manner of things even when we can see alternative truths about our predicament. The ongoing chaos in our schools is shameful and unprecedented both in magnitude, nature and intensity. The wanton destruction of life and property to the extent witnessed in the past two weeks by thugs in school uniforms must not be treated as a disciplinary issue. It is criminal and the full force of the law must be employed as part of the continuing search for long-term solution. Yet these events are not entirely surprising to keen observers of trends in our country. After the political thuggery witnessed last December, the young have now picked the baton in a race to ‘liberate’ themselves from the restrictive dictates of societal order. When a few years ago the government banned corporal punishment in schools, it was a great moment for celebration especially among many a school-going child in the country. While some parents welcomed this in good spirit, some - in candid demonstration of myopic judgement - even relished the idea of suing schools and teachers at the slightest opportunity, disgracing the noble profession even further. On the other hand, the teaching fraternity – the nurturers and custodians of the future generation – had little reason to smile. Despite the fact that I know that without the cane I probably would be a different person today, I stand eternally opposed to the misuse and abuse of the cane in the nature I went through in primary school days in the early 1990s, although I can not say the same of my high school experience where caning was almost non-existent. The government ban on caning and the ensuing publicity usurped from the teachers one of the most critical leverages they had in maintaining the ‘rule of law’ in the schools. Teachers are not gods/goddesses, but in the absence of alternative instruments like professional and peer counselling, the government must allow teachers and schools a significantly free hand to mould a responsible citizenship. In the ultimate count, the real losers are the majority well-behaved students who do not deserve the interruptions, the terror and associated trauma. We can blame drugs and even the devil, but the real devil is in the enduring injustice of socio-economic policies that centre the rich in economic planning; it is in the rising poverty among the many despite a ‘thriving economy’ of the few; and it is in the pressures resultant from these perverse socio-economic contradictions. The devil is in our politicians pronouncing policies that negate our shared values while their children study abroad or are fenced off from the subsequent mayhem in crumbling public school systems. The government must return the future of our country to the tested hands of our teachers. And because of their ever-declining interactions with the youth, parents must support teachers in their emerging role as both educators and parents.

COTU, Govt, Must Protect the Kenyan Worker

'Bleeding a leech to fatten a heifer.' This is how Wamala, a character in the play 'the burdens' by the late Ugandan literary giant John Ruganda characterises the exploitation of the haves by the havennots with the blessings of the government. When COTU Secretary General pointed out the obvious exploitation of Kenyan workers by unscrupulous businesses on his Labour Day address, some elements of the exploitative class took issue with his naming Nakumatt as a leading culprit. While Atwoli’s claims about this leading retail chain was an obvious and by no means the only case, the reality is that many Kenyans work for peanuts under dehumanizing conditions as employers take advantage of rising joblessness to trap our desperate men and women into a self-replicating cycle of poverty and exploitation. Assuming that it is true (very unlikely), the argument that Nakumatt employees do not need to Unionize because they earn above the minimal wage is a very myopic understanding of workers rights, the role of unions, and the principle of associational representation. Our government is itself complicit in this mistreatment of workers through structures that legalize for instance phenomena like ‘permanent casuals’ especially in Asian-owned or Asianised industries. This ensures that even those who have dedicated their entire lifetime working for these accumulators go home without terminal benefits when they retire, or worse still, when they accidentally become incapacitated. It also means that employees cannot voice their concerns for fear of their three-month cycle of employment not being renewed. The failure of the state to enforce minimal wages means that some employers have failed to see a moral contradiction between their huge profits and the fact that more than half of their staff live in the slums of Nairobi. It is a pity that the state has put the interest of foreign and local capitalists before the lives and dignity of Kenyans, raising fundamental questions on citizenship and the right to be protected by the state. But Atwoli’s call must now go beyond mere annual rhetoric. COTU must take judicial measures to compel the government to protect its citizens from exploitation and dehumanization. From EPZs, flower farms, tea farms, and even security guard companies that have an enduring history of employee exploitation and human rights violations, let Atwoli’s call be followed by tangible steps towards justice and the restoration of the dignity of the Kenyan worker. Nakumatt, after all, is just one such site of exploitation and dehumanization.

Kenya’s Aborted Revolution: Kivuitu has earned his place in history

I have tried to stop thinking of Kivuitu since the events of last December, but the image of this erstwhile protector-of-the-vote and champion of democracy just refuses to leave the darkest crevises of my bleeding self. The more i see him occupy the disgraced seat of Chairman of ECK, the more i feel like letting out some war cry. And when i turn to look at the bloated cabinet and the price the Mwananchi is paying for it, or our disinheritance of the Turkwell Power plant by the [president's] men and women who now own KenGen, or the issue of the Grand Regency now sold for a song, or even the unrelenting ghost that is the Safaricom soap opera, i hear strange calls to combat from within my simple self. Yet this far i have managed to tame the animal instinct, and by it maintained my ever-so wavering sanity. So help me God.
Like a child who feels betrayed by their s/hero, I share the surprise of many Kenyans who put their faith and utmost trust in Mr. Samuel Kivuitu, the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) chairman. I say we placed our hopes in Mr. Kivuitu and not the ECK because the body lost legitimacy long before the elections when the president’s gang had sent into the Commission a suspect bunch of moles to ensure their return to official looting of our republic. Because of the arrogance of the ruling elite from Mt. Kenya and their massive self-interest in the re-election of their man, it was foolhardy for anyone to expect that any demonstrations and protests would have made Kibaki respect the 1997 inter-parties parliamentary group (IPPG) agreement that required extensive consulting with other political parties in the appointment of commissioners. After all, here is a president whose only consistency has been in the triage of economic growth, sustained corruption, and the breaking of promises. This is why like many Kenyans, I consoled myself that as long as my hero remained as chairman of an otherwise infiltrated Commission, the often indefatigable Samuel Kivuitu would hold his guard against any attempts to ruin the credibility of the elections.

This is also why when tensions grew, and final results were not forthcoming despite clear indications of who had won, I still crossed my fingers and knew somehow that my hero would save us from the blatant attempts of the thieving class to steal our moment once again, like they did after 2002. When Kivuitu admitted before the media that he could not account for some of his officers and crucial election documents, my worry was only surpassed by my trust in his wisdom and integrity, after all, he had just received an award recently for his steadfastness in the fight for justice and fairness. Even when he admitted the possibility of vote-cooking, and that a section of his commissioners were meeting one presidential candidate, I still naively believed that my hero would have to resign before succumbing to the selfish and short-sighted appetite of the looters of our mamaland, because his resignation on grounds of principle would have been the final blow to the cold blooded thieves in State House. It would have also exposed a complicit international community that failed to act swiftly to denounce evident malpractices, choosing instead to play middle ground because of vested interest in the status quo. Above all, I knew that if push came to shove, Kivuitu would resign. How I was wrong.

My hero not only failed to resign in principle, but even legitimised the theft of this accumulating class by declaring their symbolic stooge the winner. And with that Kivuitu single-handedly stole from Kenyans our first true independence. I only awoke from this nightmare when he later admitted that he was forced to do what he did, that not even him knew who had won the elections!! Of course this admission remains verbiage to say the least, and quite insulting to the intelligence of Kenyans. Kivuitu should be silent because his moment on the stage is gone. By endorsing Kibaki’s theft, our country moved to the next Act in this drama, an act where Kivuitu has no role at all, at least none that can reverse or lessen the pain of a nation’s smoldering heart. The simple fact is that Kivuitu chose the path he took and he must stick to it, for his own safety I may add. He cannot eat his cake and have it at the same time. He must not make belated attempts to retrace his footprints back to the moral high ground upon which he once stood. He chose to dine with the liver juggling class and must remain there among them. By coming back to the middle ground, he stands to anger his godfathers and betray the trust the mafia had in him. Yet at the same time he can never ever again dance with the progressive forces that seek our nations belated redemption, or even the peace loving Kenyans whom his action or its lack thereof exposed to unwarranted suffering, bloodshed and death. My advise to my former hero is this: you chose to carry and conceal the skunk; you must condone its smell. You have sealed your name in our national history and you have tattoed in our conscience how best to remember you.